Каморка

Akrav писал(а):Срабатывает стирание истории из памяти граждан. Железный занавес на СССР опускали с внешней стороны. Пропагандисты впоследствии свалили это на СССР. Ну чисто как с малазийским боингом.

Одной из причин распространения вшей среди современных подростков является увлечение селфи-фотографией, сообщает агентство РИА "Новости". Это следует из материала, посвященного проблемам педикулеза, который был опубликован на официальном сайте Управления Роспотребнадзора по Курской области.

"Причиной распространения педикулеза среди подростков, по мнению экспертов, стало увлечение селфи-фотографией, при которой совместные съемки группы подростков или пары способствуют передаче паразитов при соприкосновении головами, поскольку это основной путь передачи вшей".

http://hitech.newsru.com/article/27oct2014/selfie

tasko писал(а):Раскрыто еще одно тайное оружие американского империализма, с помощью которого враги пытаются заразить детей.

Akrav писал(а): Известный, набивший оскомину приемчик пропаганды. Ведь кроме тебя никому не пришло в голову такие нелепые ассоциации создавать.

Akrav писал(а):

borei писал(а): Выводы каждый для себя свои.

А в кустах случайно стоял рояль...

nonn писал(а):

Akrav писал(а): Известный, набивший оскомину приемчик пропаганды. Ведь кроме тебя никому не пришло в голову такие нелепые ассоциации создавать.

Akrav писал(а):

borei писал(а): Выводы каждый для себя свои.

А в кустах случайно стоял рояль...

Г.Павловский
― Новый мировой порядок это состояние души. То есть, он есть, или его нет. Кто-то
считает, что есть, кто-то считает, что нет. Сколько я живу, столько были об этом разговоры. И уж точно большие дебаты были в конце 80 – начале 90-х – именно по поводу нового мирового порядка. Тогда даже возникла и аббревиатура НМП, и была даже американская доктрина на эту тему Буша – еще старшего Буша. Вопрос в том, почему сегодня. Мы 25 лет ждали, чтобы поставить ребром? Его нет. Его не было и 25 лет назад.

http://echo.msk.ru/programs/oblozhka-1/1426978-echo/

tasko писал(а):Вот уже и НМТ 2.0 на подходе

Г.Павловский
― Новый мировой порядок это состояние души. То есть, он есть, или его нет. Кто-то
считает, что есть, кто-то считает, что нет. Сколько я живу, столько были об этом разговоры. И уж точно большие дебаты были в конце 80 – начале 90-х – именно по поводу нового мирового порядка. Тогда даже возникла и аббревиатура НМП, и была даже американская доктрина на эту тему Буша – еще старшего Буша. Вопрос в том, почему сегодня. Мы 25 лет ждали, чтобы поставить ребром? Его нет. Его не было и 25 лет назад.

http://echo.msk.ru/programs/oblozhka-1/1426978-echo/

Kate писал(а):

The trio of German historians, as well as a handful of their colleagues from Eastern Europe, flew into Moscow last week for what they thought would be a conference on the history of Nazi war crimes. It was the fifth in a series of international summits held every other year since 2006, first in Berlin and Cologne, then in Slovakia and Belarus, to keep alive the memory of the towns and villages destroyed during World War II. But the German co-chairman of the conference, Sven Borsche, began to feel that something was amiss in Moscow as soon as he met his Russian hosts. “All they wanted to talk about was the conflict in Ukraine,” he says.

“Right now, fascism is again raising its head,” declared Yaroslav Trifankov, a senior researcher at the state historical museum in the Russian region of Bryansk, which borders Ukraine. “Right now,” he said from the podium, “our brother Slavs in Ukraine have been so thoroughly duped and brainwashed by their puppet government, which answers only to the U.S. State Department, that they truly have come to see themselves as a superior race.”

This rhetoric—calling it an argument would overstate its relation to facts—has recently come into vogue among Russian historians. Under their interpretation of history, the struggle that began with the German invasion of the Soviet Union in 1941 continues for Russia today, in a direct line through the generations, with the conflict in Ukraine.

The following day, in one of its auditoriums, Russian historians took the stage one after the other to draw an explicit link between the Hitler’s Reich and today’s Ukraine. None of them mentioned Russia’s military support for the rebels in eastern Ukraine or the encouragement they got from Russia in rising up against the government in Kiev this spring. Nor did the speakers dwell on the fact that the far right is hardly the driving force of Ukrainian politics. The country’s new President Petro Poroshenko is a liberal Westernizer with no links to Ukrainian nationalist parties, and the supposed popularity of those parties in Ukraine was exposed this week as a Russian fabrication; in the parliamentary elections held on Oct. 26, they failed to win a single seat in the legislature. But from the speeches presented at the conference in Moscow, one would assume that Poroshenko and his allies are all just resurrected Nazis in disguise.

As the conference drew to a close, the two of them decided to voice their objections. Morre, springing from his seat, took hold of the microphone and told the hall that he did not agree with the final declaration of the conference, which had been written by its Russian organizers. Specifically, he took issue with the clause that declared, “Our generation is facing the task to deter [the] revival of Fascism and Nazism,” a thinly veiled reference to Ukraine, the German delegates felt. “It has become clear that we have different views on what fascism means today,” Morre told the hall in nearly perfect Russian. “Your point of view is not mine. So I call for this part of the resolution to be removed,” he added. “I do not want to sign it, and I am not the only one.”

But he says he had no idea that his Russian colleagues would use it as a chance to promote their political agenda against Ukraine. “That’s not correct,” he told me. If there is some lesson to be learned from the experience, it’s a familiar one, he said: “The more people are convinced of their own opinion, the more they become estranged from other opinions. That’s a real difficult problem.” And as Russia sets out to redefine what Nazism means, it is a problem that Western historians will somehow have to face.

Gadi писал(а):Russians Re-write History to Slur Ukraine Over War

The trio of German historians, as well as a handful of their colleagues from Eastern Europe, flew into Moscow last week for what they thought would be a conference on the history of Nazi war crimes. It was the fifth in a series of international summits held every other year since 2006, first in Berlin and Cologne, then in Slovakia and Belarus, to keep alive the memory of the towns and villages destroyed during World War II. But the German co-chairman of the conference, Sven Borsche, began to feel that something was amiss in Moscow as soon as he met his Russian hosts. “All they wanted to talk about was the conflict in Ukraine,” he says.

“Right now, fascism is again raising its head,” declared Yaroslav Trifankov, a senior researcher at the state historical museum in the Russian region of Bryansk, which borders Ukraine. “Right now,” he said from the podium, “our brother Slavs in Ukraine have been so thoroughly duped and brainwashed by their puppet government, which answers only to the U.S. State Department, that they truly have come to see themselves as a superior race.”

This rhetoric—calling it an argument would overstate its relation to facts—has recently come into vogue among Russian historians. Under their interpretation of history, the struggle that began with the German invasion of the Soviet Union in 1941 continues for Russia today, in a direct line through the generations, with the conflict in Ukraine.

The following day, in one of its auditoriums, Russian historians took the stage one after the other to draw an explicit link between the Hitler’s Reich and today’s Ukraine. None of them mentioned Russia’s military support for the rebels in eastern Ukraine or the encouragement they got from Russia in rising up against the government in Kiev this spring. Nor did the speakers dwell on the fact that the far right is hardly the driving force of Ukrainian politics. The country’s new President Petro Poroshenko is a liberal Westernizer with no links to Ukrainian nationalist parties, and the supposed popularity of those parties in Ukraine was exposed this week as a Russian fabrication; in the parliamentary elections held on Oct. 26, they failed to win a single seat in the legislature. But from the speeches presented at the conference in Moscow, one would assume that Poroshenko and his allies are all just resurrected Nazis in disguise.

As the conference drew to a close, the two of them decided to voice their objections. Morre, springing from his seat, took hold of the microphone and told the hall that he did not agree with the final declaration of the conference, which had been written by its Russian organizers. Specifically, he took issue with the clause that declared, “Our generation is facing the task to deter [the] revival of Fascism and Nazism,” a thinly veiled reference to Ukraine, the German delegates felt. “It has become clear that we have different views on what fascism means today,” Morre told the hall in nearly perfect Russian. “Your point of view is not mine. So I call for this part of the resolution to be removed,” he added. “I do not want to sign it, and I am not the only one.”

But he says he had no idea that his Russian colleagues would use it as a chance to promote their political agenda against Ukraine. “That’s not correct,” he told me. If there is some lesson to be learned from the experience, it’s a familiar one, he said: “The more people are convinced of their own opinion, the more they become estranged from other opinions. That’s a real difficult problem.” And as Russia sets out to redefine what Nazism means, it is a problem that Western historians will somehow have to face.